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Nuclear Waste - The REAL Problem!
RADSAFERs,
Please excuse the length of this post, but the content of the attached
article from The New Republic (TNR) is not to be missed. Please note, TNR
is not known for its conservative leanings; just the opposite.
Norm Cohen, read carefully.
Bates Estabrooks
http://www.thenewrepublic.com/112601/crowley112601.html
<http://www.thenewrepublic.com/112601/crowley112601.html>
ON THE HILL
Waste Away
by Michael Crowley
Post date 11.15.01 | Issue date 11.26.01
In the weeks since September 11, the United States has frantically
inventoried every conceivable target of terrorist attacks. Few seem as
tempting as the nation's nuclear power plants--103 potential Chernobyls from
coast to coast. But, as terrifying as an attack on a nuclear reactor would
be, there's something that worries public safety experts even more: the
40,000 tons of spent nuclear fuel stored at plants around the nation. While
reactor cores are housed in fortified casings designed to withstand
earthquakes, tornadoes, and maybe even plane crashes, most nuclear waste is
stored in flimsy buildings that are often little more than simple concrete
warehouses. There's no good reason why: Spent nuclear fuel is just as deadly
as a reactor core--and it's often deadlier. Last year a Nuclear Regulatory
Commission report concluded that a major explosion of spent fuel could lead
to a lethal radiation dose far worse than the fallout from the bomb that
destroyed Hiroshima, rendering the surrounding area uninhabitable for
thousands of years.
But don't blame malevolent nuclear power barons for this sorry state of
affairs. The federal government long ago vowed to store America's nuclear
waste in a safe and secure location far from large populations. For the past
20 years, however, textbook NIMBY politics on Capitol Hill have stymied that
effort. One nuclear expert calls it a tale of "social Darwinism" in which
powerful members of Congress have repeatedly protected their own states,
shunting off the problem onto those represented by weaker colleagues. In
1987 it was determined that the shuntee would be Nevada, whose Yucca
Mountain would hold all the nation's nuclear waste. But, since then, the
state's senior senator, Harry Reid, has become the number-two Democrat in
the Senate. And he has used every ounce of his clout to send the waste
debate back to square one. Which is where--national security be damned--it
seems likely to stay.
The government has been worrying about how to dispose of nuclear waste since
the 1950s. Early ideas included dumping canisters of waste at sea, freezing
them in Arctic ice, or firing them into space. For a time there were plans
to recycle spent fuel through special reactors, but the Carter
administration rejected the procedure, fearing that it would create masses
of plutonium, which could be used to build nuclear weapons. Finally, the
government decided to simply bury the waste deep underground. In 1982
Congress passed a law authorizing a search for sites, with disposal to begin
by 1998.
The legislation was possible only thanks to a wary regional compromise that
ensured one waste site in the East and one in the West. But once the
Department of Energy began sniffing around specific states, the fragile deal
quickly fell apart. In the early 1980s, for instance, when then-Democratic
Senator John Stennis discovered that a storage site was being considered in
Mississippi, he convened a special committee hearing to berate Energy
Department officials. According to nuclear waste specialist Robert Alvarez,
who attended the hearing, it turned out that the site that so upset Stennis
was located near property owned by his sister. The plan was abandoned.
That was only the beginning. In 1986 Energy Department scientists named
Texas, Washington, and Nevada as possible Western burial grounds, and
announced that they were also exploring the benefits of storing waste in
granite, which is especially prevalent in Northeastern states like Maine and
New Hampshire. On Capitol Hill, primal self-preservation instincts quickly
kicked in. Maine's George Mitchell, who would become Senate majority leader
the next year, pushed an amendment in 1987 barring even the consideration of
granite storage. New Hampshire had no equivalent powerhouse congressman, but
the Granite State does hold the nation's first presidential primary, making
Mitchell's amendment politically unstoppable. Meanwhile, House Speaker Jim
Wright of Texas and his soon-to-be successor, Tom Foley of Washington,
helped to bump their states off the list. The result was legislation,
crafted with what The New York Times called "stunning abruptness" and tucked
into a $600 billion budget bill, that singled out Nevada's barren Yucca
Mountain as the only site the government could consider.
evadans understandably dubbed the measure the "Screw Nevada" bill,
complaining that their political impotence had been exploited. The state's
then-little-known junior senator, Harry Reid, fumed that the process
amounted to "base, raw power politics." And, ever since, he has made
defeating Yucca his holy mission in Washington--vowing, at one point, to be
"on top of the Capitol doing a full body dive" before giving up the fight.
He hasn't had to. Instead, Reid has turned to the same power politics he
denounced in 1987. In 1992 he and his former colleague Richard Bryan stalled
a Senate energy bill for days with the first of many filibusters to come,
complaining that Nevada was getting "shafted" by pro-Yucca language. Another
filibuster in 1996 grew so bitter that Senate leader Trent Lott fumed at
Reid and Bryan in an unusual floor speech. "[Nuclear waste] is all over
America. What about the other 48 senators that are directly involved in this
nuclear waste issue?" railed an exasperated Lott, who finally had to calm
himself down: "Sorry to get carried away there." When lack of progress at
Yucca led Congress to consider setting up an interim, aboveground waste dump
at the site, Reid killed the idea year after year. With the threat of a
Clinton veto overhead, Reid used a combination of arm-twisting and doomsday
warnings that transporting waste across the country to Nevada could cause
riots and disaster in his fellow senators' states.
Indeed, Reid has mounted a skillful public relations campaign to convince
Americans that the project is their problem, too. In 1998 he toured the
country--stopping in Denver, St Louis, Indianapolis, and Chicago--to warn of
a possible "mobile Chernobyl" if waste were transported to Nevada by truck
or train. Reid's Senate website includes a map showing several possible
routes, complete with state-by-state detail. By 1998 Reid had so firmly
identified himself with the anti-Yucca crusade that when then-Representative
John Ensign challenged his seat, Reid declared, "You send Ensign to the
Senate, you send nuclear waste to Nevada."
But it was the Democrats' recapture of the Senate last spring that may have
sealed Yucca's fate forever. Reid played a central role in convincing
Vermont Senator Jim Jeffords to abandon the GOP--even heroically ceding the
Environment Committee chairmanship he would have inherited to Jeffords. The
switch did, however, make Reid chairman of the Senate Appropriations
subcommittee, with direct power over the Yucca budget--which Reid has
already begun to slash. Reid has also used his new perch to stall three Bush
Energy Department nominees whom he considered pro-Yucca. (Last year, Bush
was considering former Louisiana Senator J. Bennett Johnston--who oversaw
Congress's 1987 choice of Yucca--to be Energy secretary; when Reid heard the
news, he said he couldn't wait to get to the office to call Johnston, whose
nomination he vowed to kill.) And in coaxing Jeffords across the aisle, Reid
also won the deep gratitude of his Democratic colleagues and, in particular,
Senator Majority Leader Tom Daschle. Within days of the Senate changeover,
Daschle showed up at a fund-raiser for Reid, saying of the Yucca project,
"As long as we're in the majority, it's dead."
hich is unfortunate. Because while Yucca Mountain may have been a political
choice, it wasn't a bad one scientifically. After years of study, a
Department of Energy report completed last summer determined that the
mountain, which rises from the desert about 100 miles northwest of Las
Vegas, is safe for long-term waste storage. The mountain rock, produced by
ancient volcanoes, is especially stable and dry, minimizing the risk that
radioactive material might seep into water streams. Federal scientists
project very low levels of radiation exposure for the area's small
population, vastly less than what an average person is exposed to from the
sun and from the potassium in bananas. And, even when radiation levels peak
from leakage in the year 622010 (no, that's not a typo), they'll still
amount to less than one-third of average background radiation, which causes
no harm.
As storage concerns have receded, Reid has increasingly focused on
transportation risks. But the Energy Department says waste can be
transported in nearly indestructible containers. And it says there are no
good alternatives. Reid has proposed keeping radioactive material in
specially designed concrete casks at their current sites. But such casks are
only a short-term solution; the waste will remain deadly for much longer
than the man-made containers are destined to last. Casks also mean the waste
will stay in populated areas with diffuse oversight.
The Bush administration hasn't given up the fight for Yucca and is expected
to give it an official go-ahead later this year. In Nevada some heretic
politicos have even suggested the state stop fighting and make the best of
the situation. As Democratic state Senator Joe Neal bluntly put it to
National Journal in 1998, "We should demand large amounts of cash." But
Reid--though wary of acting with "a heavy hand" in the wake of September 11,
according to Alvarez--is unmoved. And he has one more card to play. Assuming
Bush approves the Yucca site, the decision will face one last vote by
Congress. Reid can count on his friend Daschle's political muscle, along
with the deep pockets of the casino industry, which fears that if Nevada
becomes the nuclear waste state, Las Vegas tourism will suffer. It's quite
possible, therefore, that in a lightning-swift, dead-of-night maneuver, some
other poor, defenseless state will be volunteered in the name of national
security. Best of luck, Arkansas.
MICHAEL CROWLEY <http://www.thenewrepublic.com/masthead/crowley.html> is an
associate editor at TNR.
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