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RE: Political wranglings over WIPP
Bill Lipton cites one book review conclusion as a key conclusion ("The book
empirically proves that public opposition to a nuclear repository stems from
lack of trust toward the government and the perceived risk."). I would cite
the next sentence as the key conclusion ("Developing and sustaining the
culture of trust, along with bringing procedural justice into the
decision-making process, will be a critical factor in any of the
government's future efforts in nuclear waste management."). Even if the
first conclusion is correct, the second does not automatically follow. It
may be that some people don't trust you. But it does not automatically
follow that anything you do can make them trust you or that you need them to
trust you.
I haven't seen the book yet, but I seriously wonder if the book itself
states the second conclusion so clearly and unequivocally, and, if so,
whether the facts support it. I even wonder whether the WIPP opposition
would agree with the second conclusion. WIPP is approved and operational.
How did that happen? Are we to believe seriously that WIPP opponents
finally came around to trusting the government? And if WIPP opponents
remain steadfast in their opposition and distrust, WIPP's approval and
operation would seem to be an argument against the second conclusion rather
than for it.
My belief is that WIPP operates against the desires of the opposition simply
because the government fulfilled its legal obligations and then exercised
its legal authority to impose it. If I am not mistaken, the government's
legal obligations did not include winning over the trust of the opposition.
Nor did it include demonstration of its trustworthiness more generally.
The government accomplished its goal only after decades and only by all
effort short of obvious divine intervention. That such a commitment was
required testifies not so much to the power of distrust of government by the
opposition, but to the agonizingly painstaking process we have adopted to
try to assure that criticisms of the opposition are appropriately
considered. I wouldn't argue with the goal here--democratic protection of
minority rights--but the need for balance is clear, and it's not clear to me
that we're striking it properly.
In my view, the government's commitment to such an effort testifies
primarily to the widely recognized desperate need for the facility. The
benefits of this facility were widely perceived to be highly desirable and
far in excess of minimal risks. Had the facility not been so badly needed,
or, had the need not been so widely recognized, the effort would have been
abandoned long ago, or would never have been undertaken at all. (One
wonders to what extent the latter may be happening more generally and to
what extent we may be suffering for it. Part of the balance question.)
Of course, the need that I write of is a perceived need, just as the fears
of the opponents may stem from perceived risks. The outcome in this case is
that one perception trumped another. Some perceptions turn out not to be
reality.
The importance of widely recognized need in successfully completing such
ventures is entirely coherent with the ideas of Howard Margolis in his book,
"Dealing with Risk." If the need is recognized (if, in Margolis
terminology, the fungibility is clear), the trust (at least the minimal
required level of trust) will be there. It may be limited, and it may be
conditioned on checks and balances (not altogether bad), but it will be
there. Conversely, if the need is not recognized, all the trust in the
world is not going to move you anywhere. Indeed, focusing excessively on
engendering trust in the hope of facilitating approval might divert one from
adequately encouraging the perception of need without which approval will be
withheld anyway.
Trust is good, if only for its own sake. It is all to the good if the
actions of DOE, the US government, and the New Mexico government are finally
beginning to raise the level of trust in those entities up to the level of
trust that makes us all so comfortable with other institutions that take
actions of some risk while playing important roles in our society. I'm
thinking here of such beloved institutions as the coal, oil, and
pharmaceutical industries among others. Oh, and Microsoft, of course.
Thomas Potter
-----Original Message-----
Date: Mon, 20 Oct 2003 12:10:02 -0400
From: William V Lipton <liptonw@DTEENERGY.COM>
Subject: "Political wranglings over WIPP"
I urge those Radsafers who have access to "Nuclear News" to read the review
with the subject title, in the October 2003 issue, starting on page 25. It
uses the history of WIPP as a case study to point out key issues for siting
a radwaste facility.
One key conclusion: "The book empirically proves that public opposition to a
nuclear repository stems from lack of trust toward the government and the
perceived risk..." [i.e. It' not about dose, it's about trust. Perception
is reality.]
Examples of misconceptions cited: (a) "All we have to do is to perform a
really complete, objective analysis of the project, showing that the risk is
low and the site is good." (b) "If we have any opposition, it must be
because they don't understand."
The opinions expressed are strictly mine.
It's not about dose, it's about trust.
Curies forever.
Bill Lipton
liptonw@dteenergy.com
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